试译Voices of the Song Lyric in China（宋词之声）
Voices of the Song Lyric in China
Edited by Pauline Yu
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994
宋词之声
余宝琳主编
伯克利：加州大学出书社，1994年
【按】Pauline Yu（余宝琳），1971年以优良功效结业于哈佛大学，别离于1973年获得斯坦福大学比力文学硕士、博士学位。曾任哥伦比亚大学东亚语言文化系传授、加州大学埃尔文分校东亚语言文学系传授、主任，加州大学洛杉矶分校人文学院长，第六届美国粹术团体结合会（American Council of Learned Societies，ACLS） ，是中国文学史出格是中国诗歌研究专家。编译有《王维诗选》（Poetry of Wang Wei: New Translations and Commentary ，Indiana University Press, 1980），著有《中国诗歌传统中的意象读法》（The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton University Press，1987）。
INTRODUCTION（绪论）
Scholars of traditional Chinese literature long approached the history of literary genres with an assumption similar to that governing the study of other historical formations in the culture: that the subjects under study experienced life cycles of birth, development, and decline analogous to those putatively experienced by the particular dynasties in which they were putatively rooted. Thus, as political regimes could be seen to rise and fall organically in smooth chronological sequence, so too could literary forms be regarded as generating their own evolutionary genealogies of descent over time. The presumption that life cycles of dynasties and literary genres followed comparable and intertwined courses provided a convenient schema for literary periodization and reinforced long-standing historicist interpretations of individual texts as well, interpretations that remained compelling well into the twentieth century.
中国古代文学的研究者持久以来通过一个类似于其他文化的汗青成型研究的假设——被研究的课题履历着类似朝代更替的生成、开展、式微过程——来研究文学体裁汗青。如许，政体的兴衰有机地构成按年代挨次摆列的成果，文学的形式被认为也是如斯进化成谱系。关于朝代更替和文学体裁彼此联系关系的假设为文学的期间划分供给了便当的方案，并加强了长久以来的单个文本的汗青阐明。那个阐明不断延续到20世纪。
Given this powerful paradigm of the inevitable depletion and supersession of genres dynasty after dynasty, it should perhaps come as no surprise that even in the West a major conference on the tz'u , or song lyric, traditionally identified with the Sung dynasty, should follow one on shih poetry, conventionally linked with the T'ang. Both events took place at the Breckinridge Conference Center of Bowdoin College in York, Maine, under the generous sponsorship of the Joint Committee on Chinese Studies of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council, the first, Evolution of Shih Poetry from the Han through the T'ang, in June of 1982[1] and the second, Tz'u Poetry, in June of 1990.
基于如许一个有力的范式——文学体式随朝代更替而改变，于是在西方世界的“词”学研讨会将“词”（或宋词）界定为紧随“诗”（与唐朝有着密切联络的）之后的文学体式也就不敷为其了。在缅因州鲍登学院布莱津里奇学术会议中心由美国粹术团体结合会和美国社会科学研究会构成的中国研究结合委员会所举办的会议上颁发有两篇有代表性的文章，一篇是《汉唐诗之开展》（1982年6月），一篇是《词》（1990年6月）。
However facetious this account of the origins of the papers collected in this volume may be, such well-entrenched views did contribute, throughout much of the twentieth century, to the development of a bibliography of dissertations and monographs by Western scholars on shih that is longer and deeper by far than that for tz'u . Even more significant, however, has been the song lyric's discursive position within the traditional Chinese hierarchy of genres. Long regarded as the "other" important form of Chinese poetry, it was almost always considered in distinction from the older, more authoritative, and supposedly more serious genre of shih , for a complex of reasons that this conference sought to explore.
无论该文集所收录的论文多么诙谐，然而“诗”（shih）比“词”（tz'u）更早、更深入的不易之论贯串着20世纪西方学者学位论文和学术专论的参考书目。虽然宋词在中国传统文学体裁中有那十分重要的意义。它持久以来被认为是一种其他的重要诗歌体式，并有别于更为古老的、正式、严厉的“诗”。因为一些复杂的原因，那恰是此次会议所要探觅的。
As the translation "song lyric" suggests, tz'u (or ch'ü-tzu-tz'u , "words to songs") are verses in irregular line-lengths, often stanzaic, written—or, literally, "filled in"—so that they could be sung to existing melodies. The form took shape in the T'ang and reached maturity during the Five Dynasties and Sung. Thereafter the genre underwent an eclipse until a major revival began during the early seventeenth century and continued for the next three hundred years; as is well known, the form continues to be widely composed today. Early tz'u were embedded in a popular tradition of songs, largely of anonymous authorship, that were performed by courtesans, professional musicians, and other private entertainers. Included among the cache of manuscripts preserved in the Tun-huang caves in northwest Kansu province and brought to light at the beginning of the twentieth century are numerous examples of tz'u written to set tunes on a variety of topics—ranging from the joys of love to the sorrows of war—that can be dated to early in the eighth century. Approximately two-thirds of those tune titles, moreover, appear in a catalog of musical works compiled at the imperial court during the same period, suggesting that tz'u were being composed and performed by entertainers at the palace as well, and indicating the wide range of audiences to which they appealed. With the onset of political instability in the middle of the eighth century, many of these court musicians dispersed, moving away from the capital and relocating to the burgeoning entertainment quarters of cities throughout the empire, where, in halls of often immense proportions, song lyrics continued to be produced and performed. Much of the further development of the genre was rooted in the interaction between courtesan-entertainers and members of the literati that flourished in these urban locales during the late eighth and ninth centuries.
就宋词的译语而言，“词”（tz'u），也称“曲子词”（ch'ü-tzu-tz'u），是一种句式良莠不齐的韵文。它由差别的节填造而成，所以它是能够被用来演唱出悦耳的调子的。“词”那种文学体式成型于唐朝、成熟于五代、盛于宋朝。那种体裁式微后，曲到17世纪前期才得以中兴，并往后延续三百年汗青。寡所周知，那种题材不断延续到如今。早期的“词”植根于其时的通俗歌曲，做者亦漫不成考。其时的“词”多是由妓女、专业的乐师和其他伶人造成。那些保留于甜肃省北部的敦煌洞窟的原始手稿于20世纪初才得以重见天日。那些8世纪早期的词所抒写的体裁十分广泛——从恋爱之悦到战争之伤。大约三分之二的主题被收录在宫廷同期间编辑的音乐目次里。那也阐明那些词是由伶人在宫廷完成和演出的，同时也表白其时的看寡范畴之广。因为8世纪中期政局的动乱，许多宫廷乐师被斥逐、漂泊到全国各地的娱乐场合。在那里，词大量产生并得以演出。那种体式的更进一步开展源于8世纪晚期和9世纪艺伎与活泼于城市娱乐场合的文人的交往。
It was within contexts such as these that song lyric forms, once largely of unknown authorship or composed by the performers themselves, came gradually to be appropriated for use by the literati class. In many instances they were written by men using assumed female personas and then given to women singers to perform at banquets or parties, thereby often putting the woman singer in the position of expressing through the lyrics her desire for a man—and indeed, since the lyrics' writers were usually the same literary men who attended such parties, the singer might well have been compelled to speak her longing to the very person who had written the lyrics. From these beginnings, not surprisingly, issues of gender and sexual relationships acquired great importance in the genre, far more so than in any other kind of Chinese writing. Since the form often employed the conventional persona of a woman, it became strongly associated with "femininity" and presented a rich repertoire of expected response from women (expected, that is, in the imaginations of men). Moreover, one of the most famous lyricists of the Sung dynasty was a woman, and by the seventeenth century song lyrics had become especially important as vehicles for women writers, the literary genre in which they could most comfortably engage in poetic exchanges with each other or with men.
在如许一种情况里——宋词一旦被大量无名的做者所完成和演出，它逐步被其时的文人阶层所摘用。在相当多的情形下，男性文人以女性的角色来填词，然后交由女性伶人于宴会之时演出。于是将女性伶人放在如许一个表达情景中——她期看着爱人。事实上，词做者凡是是与会的文人，伶人不能不向填词的那小我唱出喜好之情。从那些发端来看，相对其他中国文学体式而言，性别问题和性关系在词中占据着十分重要的位置。自从女性文人接触那种体裁后，它和“女性特量”相连，展现着来自女性的丰富的预期感情（预期，也就是汉子想象中的）。此外，宋朝最有名的词人之一是一位女性，并且曲到17世纪宋词不断是女性做者的重要写做载体，在那种体裁里，她们能够互相自在交换或者与男性停止交换。
During the eleventh century the scope of the form broadened to include a male voice and many topics that had traditionally been associated with purely male experience and, indeed, that had earlier been addressed in shih . As the "other" genre, however, the form in which one could speak of sentiments and responses normally excluded from the more public and elevated shih , even this male version of the genre often sought to present what were considered to be the most delicate aspects of sensibility and the human affections. Such distinctions became more acute as the tz'u matured and its rigorous technical demands engendered a concern with formal perfection, leading to the development of a mode of connoisseurship quite distinct from the critique of shih .
在11世纪，包罗男性声音在内的题材范畴变宽，许多传统上只和男性有关的履历——事实上，以前只在“诗”中停止表达——纷繁进进写做范畴。然而做为“诗余”，那种形式只能表达严厉、正经的“诗”所肃清在外的感情。即便是男性所填造的也凡是是表达感情中那些被认为是最详尽进微的方面。跟着“词”的成熟，那种区别变得愈加明显。严厉的手艺要求使得它有着斑斓形式并构成判然不同于“诗”的鉴赏形式。
Both the gender associations of the form and the connoisseurship of its stylistic refinements led to much theorizing on the distinctiveness of tz'u relative to its competing verse form, shih . To speak of it as the "other" form of Chinese poetry is to convey precisely the sense of the genre held by traditional writers and readers of the song lyric. The act of articulating or defining its alterity became therefore a central concern of tz'u criticism. From this process grew a large body of critical discourse, along with numerous anthologies, all of which sought to develop a canon of the genre, to valorize the form and write its history, and to enumerate the ways in which the fine points of its language corresponded perfectly to the fine points of human sentiment.
那种形式的性别联络和它的斑斓格局鉴赏原则招致了“词”那种体式相关于“诗”的特殊性的理论化。提起“诗余”那种形式，它意涵着传统文人和读者的详尽感情表达。词的诵读和对词的改变的界定构成了“词”的责备。从“词”的大量的评论文章、浩繁的诗选中提炼出一种全能的责备形式以确定其形态、书写其汗青，列举其对应于人类感情的语言长处。
This detailed inscription, however marginal or precarious, into the literary and textual tradition succeeded, quite incidentally, in effacing almost completely the original music to which the song lyrics had been composed. Although the introduction of new songs into the repertoire was clearly instrumental in the development of new and longer song lyrics in the first half of the eleventh century, only a few decades later some critics would complain of what they perceived to be an increasing inattention to the music itself. Musical notation now survives for only seventeen lyrics, all composed by the Southern Sung poet Chiang K'uei (1155–1221) and preserved in three eighteenth-century manuscripts—whose copyists even then no longer understood the system Chiang had used, and were simply reproducing (in different versions) a manuscript dating from the mid-fourteenth century. Rather than denoting pitch values, Chiang's tablature notation appears to refer to fingerings on the Chinese flute and is of limited value in restoring the original music of a larger body of songs. Notational systems varied widely from person to person, school to school, and region to region, and Chiang K'uei was in any event probably exceptional among literati in entering—by employing a written system at all—what was more comfortably the province of trained musicians. It is largely owing to oral transmission, similarly tied to geographical location and specific figures or schools, that conventions of chanting and performance have survived to the present day.
那个详细的书写形式和文本传统，虽然有些边沿和不不变，但却长短常胜利。附带说一下，及时往掉所有的原始音乐，宋词仍然可以填造。就新并且久的宋词开展来说，虽然新歌曲的引进在8世纪上半叶十分的机械，几十年后，一些责备家起头意识到他们漠视了音乐自己。音乐符号如今只存在17世纪的词中，南宋词人姜夔（Chiang K'uei，1155–1221）所填造的词保留在三个18世纪的稿本中。其誊写者已经无法理解姜夔所用利用的符号系统，只是简单地誊写其从14世纪中叶遗留下来的做品。相较于定调价值，姜夔的音乐符号系统看起来涉及到中国笛箫的指法，其于恢复大量宋词的原始音乐价值有限。符号系统不只人人有异，并且门户于门户、地域于地域之间也是各自相异，姜夔出人不测地是利用书面符号系统——其关于操练有素的乐师而言不是难事。唱颂的传统和演出可以传播到如今要回因于与天文位置、特殊形象和门户的口头教授。
Although some volumes of translations of tz'u and a scattering of books and articles, along with conventional and cursory treatments of the form in histories of Chinese literature, had appeared prior to 1974, systematic modern Western scholarship on the genre can be said to date only from the publication in that year of the late James J. Y. Liu's Major Lyricists of the Northern Sung , which contained texts, translations, and critical discussions of a few famous works by a few famous poets. Shortly thereafter tz'u studies began to flourish in a handful of North American universities, where a steady stream of theses and dissertations was produced over the next decade, covering what had come to be identified as the major figures in the genre and laying the groundwork for the study of the form in English.[2] What was essential in establishing this foundation, of course, was the focus on selected individual writers or groups, and while this aggregate of monographs as a whole provides remarkably well-integrated coverage of the development and florescence of the genre from the late T'ang through the Southern Sung dynasty, it was the intention of no one author to write a comprehensive literary history of tz'u or to address the larger issues the form might raise.
早1974年前，已经有几卷词和一些相关的册本、论文跟着中国文学史常规而粗率的处置而问世，现代西方学者于“词”的系统研究始于刘若愚（James J. Y. Liu）《北宋六大词人》（Major Lyricists of the Northern Sung）的出书。该书包罗原文、翻译、部门评论。尔后，“词”的研究起头在北美的各个大学昌隆起来。接下来的十年，产生了很多的论文和学位论文。那些文章起头界定词的次要形态，为其后“词”在英语世界的研究打下了根底。当然打根底最次要的就是将重点放在次要的词人和次要的团体上，然而那本文集为词从晚唐到南宋的开展和昌隆供给了完全的视野。那也是无人写做完全的词史或更为浩荡的问题之原因所在。
These were some of the primary aims of the 1990 conference at Breckinridge, which sought, in addition, to expand the temporal frame of studies on tz'u beyond the Sung dynasty and to broaden the focus beyond critical examinations of major figures. Participants ranged from specialists in the genre or in Sung poetry more generally to individuals who had previously paid little attention to either. Although papers had been commissioned to fall into three general categories, no one anticipated that the essays would in the event prove to be engaging the same set of issues, albeit on apparently disparate topics or from quite different perspectives. Thus, the conference as a whole succeeded in articulating a common ground of discourse on the song lyric that the participants agreed could only have been realized collectively: that overlapping concerns of genre and gender have structured critical discussion of the song lyric almost from its very beginnings. These concerns have focused on the language of the form and in particular on the problem of the voice of the poem. This is a problem rooted in the song lyric's own origins in performance, especially performance of an expression of highly mediated desire, and the consequent difficulties of establishing or giving voice to an unmediated self (which had been the accepted mandate of the shih , or short poem).
那些是只是1990年布莱津里奇会议的部门初级目标。此外，此次会议力求扩展词研究的时间范畴，即不局限于宋朝，拓宽研究的责备重点。与会者有词学研究专家或宋诗研究专家，也有先前对词存眷较少的学者。虽然论文被分红三个部门，没有人期看差别的文章涉及不异的主题，而是差别的论题、差别的角度。如是，此次会议胜利地构成一个共识：词与性此外穿插联系关系从已起头就成为词的责备话题。那些方面集中在语言形式特殊是诗之声问题上。那是一个源于词的唱颂的问题，出格是要以适中的情态来演出，然后得出另一个本身。
The essays collected in this volume engage these issues from a variety of perspectives and critical approaches, ranging from close readings of song lyrics to feminist, historical, and textual studies. The "voices" of the volume's title recalls the origins of the tz'u as lyrics that were sung, and sung to music that, even after its disappearance, left a powerful legacy in terms of the shape and contexts of the genre. The word speaks as well to what became a central problem for a form that had first been written to be sung in the performance of a role: although it subsequently came to be viewed as more capable than shih of accurately tracing the cuts and turns of human emotion, it could never shake off doubts about the genuineness of expressed emotion that had been ineluctably implanted from the original context of entertainment. Voiced by women more often than were shih and plumbing depths of sentiment left unexplored by the dominant poetic genre, the song lyric was also subject to a persistent disjunction between its discursive position within the Chinese critical tradition and some other, perhaps more legitimate, place. Needless to say, the problematic nature of that situation was intimately related to the very emotions and desires to which the form was deemed capable of giving voice.
该文集所收录的文章从差别的角度、用差别的责备办法来对待那些问题，或者是从诵读、女性特量、文本等方面来研究。该文集落款中的“声”意在唤起词的原始意味，即其是用于吟唱的、根据音乐来吟唱的，虽然其如今已经消逝了，只剩下词的形式和文本。那个词也阐明当一种书写出来的形式第一次被用于演出中的吟唱那一角色时什么才是中心问题：虽然其后来被认为，较之于诗，其更能描写人的细微感情。它不成能脱节感情表达的实在性的思疑，那种感情已经不成制止地灌注贯注于原始的娱乐文本。女人发出来的声音常则是诗和支流诗体所遗漏的感情。用于演唱的词长久处于中国传统责备中的次要地位和其他体式也许更正式的地位的割裂形态。毋庸讳言，那个情形的问题素质与那种体式所能表达的感情密切相联。
Given that questions of genre and gender and their relationship to language have shaped the critical discourse on tz'u for centuries, it seems only appropriate that the text that most of the essays included here begin with or return to is Li Ch'ing-chao's "Critique of the Song Lyric" ("Tz'u lun"), written early in the twelfth century. In the first chapter of this volume, "The Formation of a Distinct Generic Identity for Tz'u ," Shuen-fu Lin opens by pointing out that this brief essay by perhaps the best-known woman song lyricist in Chinese literary history establishes the central critical statement for the genre, that it "constitutes its own household [distinct from shih ]." Isolating the characteristics of that "household" occupied critical attention for centuries. Lin's essay is one of three that have been grouped together here in a section entitled "Defining the Song Lyric Voice: Questions of Genre"; in it he explores the formation of the genre's identity in its historical and literary contexts. Following Li Ch'ing-chao's lead, Lin examines the crucial relationship between poetry and music in general, focusing specifically on the development of what he calls the "intrinsic music" of tz'u —uneven line-lengths, strophic divisions, complex rhyme schemes, alternation of level and oblique tones, and intricate tonal patterns differing from those of regulated verse—that evolved in conjunction with the "extrinsic music" of banquet songs and continued to govern the aesthetics of song lyrics long after the tunes had been lost. The three most important developments in tz'u aesthetics, he argues, are the awareness that the genre could speak of private feelings not appropriately subsumed under the rubric of chih —that is, what is "intently on the mind"—which was traditionally assumed to carry moral and/or political import and whose public articulation was properly the responsibility of shih ; the distinction between the two schools of "heroic abandon" (hao-fang ) and "delicate restraint" (wan-yüeh ) that expanded the thematic range of the form; and the evolution of a longer form, man-tz'u , that allowed for even greater emotional nuance and expressive potential. Lin discusses Li Ch'ing-chao's critical comments on her fellow song lyricists in the context of these developments and concludes by speculating on possible reasons behind the often-noted and curious omission of Chou Pang-yen from her essay: these are related, he suggests, to the fact that Chou's attention to the musical nature of the form restored what Li considered to be an essential aspect of its original identity and therefore exempted him from Li's otherwise unstinting critique of her contemporaries.
基于那种体式和性此外问题以及它们和语言的关系已经成为几个世纪以来“词”的责备话题。如许看来，文本以李清照的《词论》起头或者回到李清照（Li Ch'ing-chao）的《词论》（Critique of the Song Lyric）长短常恰当的。该文写于12世纪早期。在该书的第一章，林顺夫（Shuen-fu Lin）在《词的特征之构成》中开篇就指出，可能是由闻名女词人完成的那篇短文在中国文学史上构建了词责备的核心话题，也即“界定了其本身的范畴”（区别于“诗”。）抛开那个“范畴”的特征来说，其占据了几个世纪的责备核心。林顺夫在该文集中的文章能够冠名为“定义宋词声音：体式问题”。他在该文中探究了词在汗青和文学语境下的特征。沿着李清照的构想，林顺夫诗是音乐的一般关系，将重点放在其所谓的词的“内在音乐”（intrinsic music）上——犬牙交错的句子、分隔的段落、复杂的押韵安放、平仄相间的格律、错综的调子——已经开展了的其与宴会歌曲之“外在音乐”（extrinsic music）的联络，虽然其失传已久并陆续受宋词美学收配。他认为词美学的三个重要开展是，醒觉，即词能表达私家感情，即不被“志”（chih）所包罗的感情，所谓“志”，犹今语之“挂于心”也。传统上，它被认为是“诗”所表示的道德情操、政治理想等。“豪宕”（heroic abandon，hao-fang）派与“婉约”（delicate restraint，wan-yüeh）派的分野扩展了的表示范畴。更长形式即慢词（man-tz'u）的开展使得其能够表示更为细腻的感情。林顺夫在那些开展的情境中就李清照的几阙词阐述了其责备，并通过周邦彦（Chou Pang-yen）对其诗文的漠视的背后的可能原因揣度到：那些是彼此联络的，周邦彦对那种体式的音乐素质的存眷恢复了李清照所考虑的工具，而且成为其原始特征的重要方面，因而，除了他，不然李清照不断遭受着同时代人的责备。
If general agreement developed that tz'u could express private sentiment more flexibly and "genuinely" than shih , what was not so clear was how "true" those private sentiments in fact were. In the second chapter in this section, "Meaning the Words: The Genuine as a Value in the Tradition of the Song Lyric," Stephen Owen argues that the origins of the song lyric in conventions of performance created a problem for literati songwriters seeking a vehicle for unmediated expression; this problem was thematized, moreover, in their very poems. In a series of close readings Owen traces the transformation of the genre from one governed by normative and typological conventions to one capable of being read, like shih , as the cry of a particular occasion. His discussion of Li Ch'ing-chao's famous lyric to the tune "Sheng-sheng man" provides a central example of this preoccupation with the (in) commensurability of poetic language to feeling, a problem that is made explicit and resolved in the poem itself. His concluding reading of Li Yü's famous lyric to the tune "Yü mei-jen" demonstrates how the arrangement (taxis ) of words in tz'u , and in particular the framing or "quotation" of diction typical of shih by language from the vernacular, self-reflectively comments on the received images of the tradition and not only reanimates them, but also thereby makes that conventional language—and the lyric as the whole—resonate with an apparent truth of genuine emotion. He thereby illuminates one crucial way in which the genres of shih and tz'u are both related to and distinguished from each other.
一般一致认为，词比“诗”可以更自在、热诚地表达私家的感情。那些私家感情是如斯的“实在”。在那一部门的第二章节，“词语的意思：宋词传统的实在价值”，宇文所安（Stephen Owen）阐述到，传统演出中的宋词的起源为文人词做者供给了很好的表达前言。那个问题在他们的诗中得以主题化。在认真阅读一系列词之后，宇文所安从原则化和类型传统到可像诗一样可读往返溯词的改变。他就李清照名词《声声慢》（Sheng-sheng man）的讨论供给了一个重要的形式，